Conflict: Causes, Impacts and Post-Conflict Reconciliation in Nepal
TRANSCEND MEMBERS, 27 Mar 2017
Shree Prasad Devkota and Navin Pandey – TRANSCEND Media Service
27 Mar 2017 – The nature and consequence of conflict has changed significantly after the end of cold war and the reason for conflict are subsequently changing with lapse of time. At present, there are more internal conflicts between people of a country than between countries, though the instances of latter can’t be totally neglected. As the instances of violence and number of death accelerating in recent dates, it is of utmost importance to delve into understanding causes of onset and ways to settle conflicts to reinstate peace. This is an attempt to highlight the impacts of various major conflicts and post-conflict efforts being carried out in relation to Nepal.
Nepal being one of the least developed countries with a turbulent history, the legacy of its internal conflict continues to be felt even after a series of political reforms brought to address changes demanded by a decade long insurgency started by the then CPN (Maoist) in 1996. The ‘civil war’ started by the Maoist rebellions led to widespread loss of lives and livelihood and brought serious negative impacts on the development prospects of the country. The conflict claimed lives of more than seventeen thousand people and displaced an estimated 100,000 more creating mayhem in almost every sector possible around the nation. Human rights and public privileges were brutally infringed from both the rebels and the government forces. The declaration of National State of Emergency in 2001 and 2005 further degraded the situation increasing political instability and restricted a wide range of civil liberties.
The only silver lining in this cloud of despair is that the homegrown Maoist insurgency, reinforced by socio-economic and ethnic cleavages overturned the tyrannical family-rule that had been imposed since more than two centuries in Nepal, established People’s Democracy and paved way for introducing republic governance opening possibilities for a whole new political era in the history of Nepal. General people became aware and rebellious enough to speak and fight for their rights and sought justice from the oppressors.
In a country comprising more than one hundred ethic groups with entwining cast and creeds and similarly large number of minorities, a diversity so unique in richness but equally difficult to manage, there still persist various types of conflict in different intersections. These minor conflicts and wants hinder the peace process and overall development of the country.
A conflict are inherent in all societies and arises when two or more groups pursue incompatible objectives. Violent conflicts occur when institutions responsible to manage conflicts aren’t able to accommodate different interest groups through negotiation, compromise and grievance resolution in the national mainstream. The greed and grievance can be offered two possible motivations for the origin of conflict and both of which so-exist simultaneously in practice. Most contemporary civil wars in developing countries have ethnic dimensions, with different cast fighting each other but with a subtle understanding it can be asserted that the underlying cause of civil war is economic and not ethnic.
In the context of Nepal, the Maoist conflict found support from oppressed lower castes, portraying the insurgency as stemming from rage against a long legacy of oppression based on caste and ethnicity. Economic factors such as inequality, landlessness, and a general lack of opportunity reinforced by complex caste system and related discriminatory patterns provided sufficient cause for insurgency to be joined by people from different walks of life. (Bary, et.al 2003, Do and Iyer 2007) Given that the conflict began during a period of economic liberalization, it can be said that the conflict was the outcome of an uneven process of development that led to social and economic exclusion of a large segment of population.
The decade-long armed conflict caused erosion of many social values, trust and solidarity in society, communities and families .Development processes slowed down, law and order deteriorated, basic infrastructure and services were crippled, and the economy gradually collapsed. Human rights violations and brutality escalated on both sides of the conflict, with offences committed affecting all segments of the population, but particularly the most vulnerable. In fact, the conflict proved that poor and/or socially excluded members of society suffered exponentially in conflict, for they are less able to cope with, respond to, or recover from difficult and complex conflict-related situations. In particular, the lives of women, children, and youth have been affected, with the right to education disrupted, and a heightened prevalence of gender-based violence (GBV). Both the state and the Maoists have recruited child soldiers. After almost a decade of the settlement of conflict, many families still remain internally displaced. In addition to uprooted and conflict-affected people’s needs and rights, communities are filled with returnees who have few livelihood options, limited access to social services.
Mines and IEDs (Improvised Explosive Devices) used during the armed conflict remain as one of the major physical impact with number of Victim Activated Explosions (VAE) still in continuum. These conflicts brought enormous upheavals impersonal and societal trust with increase in threats and assaults including physical and mental torture from both government security forces and Maoist rebels at different instances. The societal unity across the nation was uprooted with people being exposed to untold violence, fear, trauma and death.
While the negative repercussions of conflict are rampant, the conflict also brought about significant positive changes. Development responses reinforced many ‘good practices’ including transparency, accountability, localization, and more equitable distribution of benefits. Conflict also forced many issues, suppressed for centuries, to surface, including recognition and inclusion of diverse groups and their culture, religion and education. Conflict helped create space for greater leadership amongst women and youth. Issues of exclusion and inclusion of diverse groups of Nepal like Dalits, women, Indigenous; Madhesi etc. came to the fore. Differently able and other minorities; social-cultural issues including polygamy, domestic violence, GBV, child marriage, land rights are now being openly discussed.
Around one third of women became combatants in traditionally gender-segregated society and also took up with other roles including recruitment in the Army. Housewives became active in public spheres of life outside the four walls of home and house chores. One such impact was the radical increase of women representation in Constituent Assembly from 7% in previous election to 32.27% in CA Election on April 2008 (CBS 2011). The traditional patriarchal value system was slowly breached and deviant behavior declined with increase in awareness to fight against social, cultural and political discrimination. In this sense, the civil war has both positive and negative impacts in the Nepalese society. The youths of the Terai region who were experiencing their exclusion in the national mainstream of representation along with participation in national security forces joined the rebel force and sought their rights.
Many other instances of conflict are rampant throughout the nation after a decade of signing Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) to peacefully settle the war and enter into a new political era leading to People’s Democracy, Constituent Assembly Election, declaration of Republic nation and a new constitution drafted by the directly elected representatives of people for the first time in national history. With regional conflicts and debates on restructure of local bodies along with issues of federalism and its representation, the society has increased crevices to be worried about. During this post-conflict time of political repositioning, a return to the pre-conflict ‘status quo’ might seem not only unrealistic, but would waive many of the positive achievements made hitherto.
Following the CA election on 2008, a violent fight erupted in the Terai region of Nepal. The violence, however, was initiated not by either party to the civil war but by groups fighting on behalf of those who profess a Madhesi ethnicity. These groups targeted both the state and the Maoists, polarizing Terai citizens along ethnic issues that were largely unaddressed during the civil war. Political elites recognized how ethnic divisions could be used to mobilize supporters and pressurize Kathmandu, and began to build a Madhesi identity movement along similar lines. During the movement that lasted for several days, pamphlets to demonize the hill communities, especially in Kathmandu Valley, accusing them of operating a ‘colony of torture’ rooted in racial discrimination, with Madhesis ‘under the threat of extinction’ due to their domination and suppression by Pahadis ‘since the foundation of the state of Nepal…at all levels’ of society. Madhes identity was thus re-invented, incorporating ethnicity, caste, and class in addition to geography.
The United Democratic Madhesi Front (UDMF) was formed and other various criminal gangs proliferated meanwhile by exploiting popular demands for change and started attacking both the state and other actors who would challenge their supremacy in the vacuum created by civil war. With extreme demands like liberation of entire Terai by redrawing the region into single autonomous unit with right to self-determination, a historical narrative was evaded with a Madhesi narrative that excludes the indigenous groups. Following the massive defeat in first CA elections that questioned the political legitimacy of Madhesi leaders, they opted to polarize society into a Pahad vs. Madhesh dichotomy that allowed them to scapegoat a monolithic population as cause for varying social and economic ills. Social harmony that used to otherwise bind disparate groups against a common cause discontinued and a sense of fear and insecurity conjured people, especially Terai inhabitants who migrated from hills.
Widespread institutionalization and legitimization of Madhesi identity started to impact dozens of other ethnic minorities within the Terai. Meanwhile, a major earthquake struck Nepal on 25 April, 2015, inviting not only humanitarian crisis, but also political fluidity due to the prospect of corruption and impunity in an otherwise dismantled community. While the ruling parties opted to expedite the constitution drafting process as a last measure to save their political legitimacy despite of protest from Madhesi leaders. As a signal, the Madhesi launched a massacre in Tikapur on August 24, 2015 that lynched seven police personnel and a toddler. In response, security force used brutal action against the agitators. Violence escalated in the following days, spread throughout the southern belt to protest the new constitution drafted by Constituent Assembly on September 20, 2015 despite of the threat and constant riot in Madhes.
The new constitution received welcome from national and international sphere except India. Protests and riot continued to spread in Terai for more than months which were brutal in many ways. India imposed an unofficial blockade as indirect support to Madhesi leaders and Madhesi orchestrated rally in no-man’s-land between Nepal and India employing gangsters and hooligans to target security personnel. The situation deteriorated to the level of humanitarian crisis but no any top-level international organizations like United Nations or so stated their concern to the plight of one of their small member county. In Nepal, there still persist many trivial issues that are potentially raising dissatisfaction and violence to some extent.
But there are light of hope amidst this cloud of despair in the sense that Nepal has been doing great in post-conflict reconciliation to manage the peace process and re-establish itself as a sanctuary. Constitution building, and especially creating electoral structures within constituencies is the most important institutional and legal process within conflict resolution and Nepal had done great in it since it already drafted a constitution which was approved by more than 90% of Constituent Assembly members. United Missions to Nepal (UNMIN) was established to integrate the Maoist combatants to the national security force which has also completed its task successfully. The infrastructures damaged during the conflicts are being reconstructed rapidly in most parts and post-conflict situations are being tried to be managed as efficiently as possible. Earlier combatants who have returned home are engaged in income generating activities and creative works like entrepreneurship and writing.
The government formed following conflicts has almost successfully and peacefully eradicated the criminal groups that rose mainly in the southern belt following void of transition after the civil war. The constitution is being amended to incorporate the voice of dissatisfied groups and country is focusing in economic leap and development by learning from the recent history of conflict and its management. The process of conflict reconciliation is still going on and Nepal is transforming again into a peace-zone.
References:
Conspiracy’ op. cit. p. 17,44. ‘Conspiracy’ laid the foundations for the MJF’s election platform.
Nepal’s Terai: Constructing on Ethnic Conflict, Jason Miklian, International Peace Research Institute, Oslo, 2013
Ryan J Suto, Nepal’s Experience in post-conflict reconstruction, 2015
Bishwa Nath Tiwari, Assessment of the causes of conflict in Nepal, 2007
Dhruba Adhikari, Proximate causes of conflict in Nepal, CNAS, 2005
Anjana Shakya, Social Impact of Armed conflict in Nepal, SIRF, 2009
Collier, Paul, and Anke Hoeffler (2004), “Greed and grievance in civil war”, Oxford Economic Papers 56, 563-95.
Bohora Alok, Neil Mitchell, Mani Nepal. 2006. Opportunity Democaracy and Exchange of Political violence, a sub-national analysis of conflict in Nepal, Journal of Conflict resolution, vol. 50
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Shree Prasad Devkota is a member of the TRANSCEND Network for Peace, Development and Environment. He is a Kathmandu University graduate, has a Master’s in Mathematics Education and M.phl in Development Studies. Currently he is chairperson of SDEF–Sustainable Development and Empowerment Forum, and has worked as a lecturer. He is researcher in the field development sectors in Nepal and has worked as consultant, monitoring and evaluation expert in different I/NGOs. Devkota has been working in the field of education of children, marginalized and socially excluded groups, especially on conflict management regarding the post-conflict situation in Nepal. He has published several research articles in national and international journals. Books: Teacher’s Lived Experiences and Contextualized Mathematics, LAP Lambert Academic Publishing, Germany, 2012. Education in Nepal from Dalit Perspective, LAP Lambert Academic Publishing, Germany, 2013. Conflict in School and Its Management by Shree Prasad Devkota and Shiba Bagale, Scholars’ Press, Germany, 2015.
Navin Pandey is the Project Manager of ClimatEducate South Asia, a youth initiative against Climate Change. He’s currently an undergraduate student at St. John’s College, USA. He has been actively advocating and training people to denonce conventional energy and shift towards cleaner means to protect earth through community and volunteering at national and international levels.
This article originally appeared on Transcend Media Service (TMS) on 27 Mar 2017.
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