The Deep State of the Anglo-Saxon Hegemony: A Material, Cultural, and Racial Trilogy

FEATURED RESEARCH PAPER, 10 Feb 2025

Linjie Chou Zanadu – TRANSCEND Media Service

How else to account for the fact that a small number of well-educated rich men on a foggy little island in the middle of the North Sea had long controlled more than half of the world’s commerce and ruled an empire that stretched in all directions around the earth? (Albee 1996: 76).

Abstract

Oct 2023 – This paper reviews and analyzes an otherwise misunderstood political terminology, hegemony. Hegemony is often equated to the colonial connotation that intentionally includes all Western powers by the predominantly Anglo-Saxon scholarship, which eventually sets the standard of the field of inquiry. However, this article traces the Anglo-Saxon roots of hegemonic behavior and attributes its nature to the material, cultural, and racial insecurities of the Anglo-Saxon subjects. The article deeply examines the essential motives and reasonings for the Anglo-Saxon world domination using theoretical components of neo-Marxism, historical identity formations, and modern racial discourse.

Introduction

With the recent re-emergence of the discussion on a multipolar world, the issue of Western hegemony is reappearing and becoming increasingly popular in political studies. Often, hegemony is described as the equivalent of post-colonial repression in forms of internationalization and represented by the Western liberal capitalist economies (Ling 1996). In this article, the central focus is the Anglo-Saxon countries that are hegemonic in the magnitude that none of the former empires can match. The Anglo-Saxons have emerged as the world’s leading powers in the past three hundred years through industrialization, colonialism, and hegemonic empire-building projects: first, through the British Empire’s pragmatism and imperialist agenda for material and resource acquisitions, and then, through U.S. economic and military hegemonic ambition after WWII. Today, these nations and their influences have impacted all areas, from language and media to trade and prevalent cultures. The magnitude of Anglo-Saxons’ grasping of power, wealth, and prestige is beyond any other former great power predecessors. As the frontrunner of imperialism and post-colonialism, the Anglo-Saxons are eager to keep such leading positions. Thus, this article provides a comprehensive analysis of the motives behind such an ambition of global importance using an interdisciplinary approach.

This paper argues that even though the Anglo-Saxon nations appear to be highly assured and confident of their leading positions in the world, fundamentally, the superstructure level of hegemonic disorder among the Anglo-Saxon countries serves as the driving force for its ultimate goal of global dominance, no matter what it takes. From the micro-intrafamilial analysis of child-rearing to macro-historical racial-cultural investigations, this article provides the sui genesis of its superiority complexes, adopted to disguise the feeling of inferiority, to understand the essence of Anglo-Saxon hegemony mainly through the material, cultural, and racial dispositions in its formative history. Furthermore, the self-ultra-ego is also fostered by early childhood development under the Anglo-Saxon (weak) social welfare context. This may also translate to the deterministic impulse for hegemonic ambition. Last but not least, this article also reveals the connection between these cultural, racial, and material nuances to the concept of hegemony.

Hegemonic Ambition as a Collective Psychological Pathology

The Italian Marxist scholar, Antonio Gramsci, originally developed the concept of the hegemon. His theory was derived from the idea of solving the otherwise reductionist nature of Marxism, that is, simplifying classes between the structure (the political leadership) and superstructure (civil societies). In a nutshell, Gramsci defined hegemony as the ability of one class to articulate the interests of other social groups to its own (Mouffe 1979; Bates 1975). The actual unification between the ruling class and the mass forms the essence of hegemony. In the Gramscian notion, hegemony also involves creating the higher synthesis that fuses all social elements into a collective will through ideological unity (Mouffe 1970: 184). In extending the hegemony concept into the realm of international systems, Cox (1996) argued that hegemonic power is not an order where one state directly exploits others but having an order most other states could find compatible with their own interests. It is not an order merely adopted among the states but ‘a dominant mode of production and international social relationships that connect the social classes of different countries’ (Cox 1996).

To sustain the argument of hegemonic personality theory, Connell (1987) developed the concept of hegemonic masculinity, which identified a dominant form of masculinity even among men. In other words, ‘certain masculinity are more socially central, or more associated with authority and social power than others.’  In constructing hegemonic masculinity, the author also borrowed the Gramscian idea that hegemony denotes a ‘social ascendancy achieved in a play of social forces that extends beyond contests of brute power’ (Connell 1987: 297). Thus, hegemonic masculinity requires the public face to show its strength and dominance. According to Hofstede’s cultural dimension of measuring the masculinity of different countries, all Anglo-Saxon countries (U.K., U.S., Canada, Australia, and New Zealand) are masculine societies. Masculine social value implies that society will be compelled by competition, achievement, and financial success, with success defined by the winner vs. losers system, a value system that starts in formative years and continues throughout adult life (Hofstede, Hofstede, and Arrindell 1998; Hofstede 2001).

The very nature of hegemonic masculinity is prevalent within the American mainstream culture and directly connected to white male sexual domination (Chang 2018). In many cases, accessing the hegemonic white masculinity has been forbidden to colored men since colonial times (Chang 2018). The control of such access also motivates violence and racism. Adams, Estrada-Villata, and Ordonez (2018) mapped the trajectory between hegemonic psychological science and colonial power relations. Hegemonic psychological behavior treasures neo-liberal individualism and self-autonomy through material abundance and ecological conditions of possibility that enable the experience of freedom within these constraints, and often, only the colonial powers have accomplished these limits. This form of hegemonic neo-liberal individualism also consists of the psychological pathology of epistemic violence associated with destroying local habits of the mind (Adams, Estrada-Villata, and Ordonez, 2018).

Galtung (1990) identified the concept of cultural violence, which teaches us to see exploitation or repression as normal and natural: religion, language, ideology, and even formal science can all be used as tools for cultural violence. The facts of the Anglo-Saxon dominations through liberal democracy, English as lingua franca, globalization of Christian holidays in non-Christian countries, and the spread of positivist science all contributed to such hegemonic cultural violence (Galtung, 1990). The hegemonic pathology as a form of post-colonial self-submission of many indigenous elites also further enhances the appeal of the soft power of these former imperial Anglo-Saxon nations.

Material Consciousness and the Falsification of Post-Material Claim in the Anglo-Saxon World

The narrative of F. Scott Fitzgerald’s Gatsby, born to a lower class in North Dakota, portrayed his greatness and luxurious life to win over Daisy, an heiress born to a wealthy family in Louisville, Kentucky. After a month-long courtship before Gatsby went to join the Army, Daisy marries the wealthy Polo player Tom Buchanan, a member of the old money group who went to Yale with the right cycle of friends. For Gatsby, even though he self-made into the ‘new rich’ after his demobilization, his inferiority complex became his biggest enemy to fitting into the ‘upper class,’ and his quest for Daisy became motivated by his feeling of inferiority.

Materialism is a rather salient feature of Anglo-Saxon societies, even though the cross-cultural research literature assumes most advanced nations have entered so-called post-materialistic societies. Anglo-Saxon cultural antidotes see materialism as a redemptional mechanism under the Weberian notion and protestant virtue. Grasping material success is, therefore, a post-industrialization cultural mode. Materialism/Post-materialism first appeared in the World Value Survey (WVS) by social scientist Ronald Inglehart to measure the preoccupation of peoples’ desire for physical substances and safety versus their needs for belonging, self-expression, and social values (Inglehart 1977; Knutsen 1990). In his seminal work, Inglehart disregarded the United States as a modern nation (post-material society) but rather traditional to India, Turkey, and Iran in its social values (Majima and Savage 2007). Furthermore, the United Kingdom was placed between progressive Europe and the traditional United States (Majima and Savage, 2007). However, materialism/post-materialism is criticized for its rather short-term influence of measuring only inflation, unemployment, and crime rates (Hansen and Tol 2003) while ignoring the more time-tested inner cultural values of the specific nations.

In the case of the United States, Davis and Davenport (1999) found that the pattern of individual responses to the postmaterialist-materialist questions was quite random and often contrary to the assumed collective conscious. Flanagan (1982) argued that ‘deep-seated value orientations are acquired early in life and firmly ingrained in the individual’s personality’ (110). However, needs regression is time-tested and hardly changed (Flanagan 1982), distinguishing cultural value from cultural practice (Hofstede 2009). Thus, the displayable public values must be contrasted with more salient private values (Flanagan 1982). It might be the case of adopting post-materialist values to disguise the laissez-faire nature of Anglo-Saxon capitalism.

Davies (2000) found among the American samples no fundamental differences between postmaterialists, individuals with mixed value orientations, and materialists on political tolerance, subtle racial attitudes, and general ecological concerns. In the British case, Majima and Savage (2007) also found that British youths are moving more towards the materialist orientation than they were two decades ago. About Australia, Hortle (2009) argued that contrary to Inglehart’s assertion that Australia is by large a post-materialist society, evidence implies that post-materialist values have only gained a small foothold in its population. In sum, the Anglo-Saxon world has not completed the de-facto transition to a post-materialist society. Portraying the qualities of being post-materialist in the Anglo-Saxon context also assumes its global leading positions in defining core economic activities in technology, patent, and design (Wallerstein 2004) as a way to keep its economic hegemony.

Anglo-Saxons’ Cultural Identity Crisis

Money, cultural hierarchy, and race are all consciously imprinted among the Anglo-Saxon people and their elites in a very nuanced manner. In the Gatsbyrian context, the feeling of inferiority is a driving force for financial success (Husniyati 2019). Gatsby’s self-image of mirroring the old money was essentially a craving for the cultures of the old world that he could never have. Culturally, such aspiration is also reflected in the English literature work of Thomas Hardy for the years of the Roman and Greek eras, in his novels such as the characters of Eustacia and Sue (Xu 2001). In modern studies of the neo/realism and hegemonic studies on great power struggles, scholars of the Anglo-Saxon world over and over again quote the case of the Peloponnesian war and Athens/Spartan narratives (Boucher 1998; Keohane 1986;  Lebow and Strauss 1991; Mazarr 2022) as a common verification for their Western cultural identity and literal sophistication. Earlier American elites even distinguished themselves from the commoners by the ability to read and quote in Latin and Greek (Miles 1974). Instead of focusing on Anglo-Saxon traditions, American thinkers and political class turned to the earlier Greek and Roman classics (Miles 1974). As newcomers to the civilizational cultural world, the Anglo-Saxons, as the people of the Isles, always looked forward to creating proximity to the continental European cultures and the old world for its greatness. Historically, the British Isles were viewed as the ‘periphery’ of Europe and compared to “Sicily” of Italy, whereas the materialism and the ruthless imperialism that informed the country’s cultural values betrayed classical liberalism (Körner 2019).

In recent history, many rich Americans in the early 20^th century embarked on trans-Atlantic ships from New York and went to Europe for cultural pilgrimage (Chen 2018). As in the Titanic, there were groups of Americans looking for the daughters of fading noble families because marrying a daughter of a European nobility would improve one’s status in American society. Because of their desperation to create the Aristocratic alliance and savoir vivre under the Veblenian conspicuous symbolism, many prominent American families such as Hutton and Astor fell prey to self-proclaimed European nobilities such as Mdivanis and Haugwitz-Reventlow (Moats 1977). No European country surpassed the United States economically at that time, but the U.S. was in such a state of cultural inferiority to Europe (Chen 2018). They took a very strong European-centered complex to their hearts; to the Americans, the center of culture was Europe (Chen 2018). Such Eurocentrism lasts even to very recent times in the Anglo-Saxon world.

Acquiring Europeanness with the old-world sophistication almost became a passion for the new-world Anglo-Saxons, such as the marriages between American actress Grace Kelly and Rainier III of Monaco, Australian Mary Donaldson and Crown Prince Fedrick of Denmark, and American Angela Brown and Prince Maximilian of Liechtenstein. Even though modern Hollywood and Silicon Valley are the iconic locations of popular cultures today, patrimonial cultural refinement is still a continental European affair. Even today, the overwhelming ancestral tours made by Americans also show their clinging to European heritage, which is seen as a reaction to the thin American identity (Ganesh 2018). Being European is often connected to the idea of cultural sophistication and racial whiteness in the ontological sense of forming self-identity. Specifically, the fascination with first-class whiteness also plays an important role in forming the Anglo-Saxon identity.

Racial Subordination and Cravings for ‘First Class’ Whiteness

As a group, Anglo-Saxons erected civilizational racism linked to colonialist discourse under the pretext of Anglo-Protestant domination (Shchipkov 2021). Whiteness became a power for control through identity formation. The idealization of heroic and mystic whiteness was adopted to justify its hegemonic ambition. However, Anglo-Saxon elites’ racial craving and self-allegiance to Nordicism also marked its departure from self-racial assurance and their proclaimed pride in White Anglo-Saxon Protestantism (WASP).

Some lies and exaggerations are covered to decorate one’s cultural and class merits, and others are created to bring favorable racial and ethnic affiliations. For decades, Donald Trump denied his German heritage altogether, instead claiming that his grandfather’s roots lay further north, in Scandinavia. ‘[He] came here from Sweden as a child’ (Frost, 2018). Uma Thurman, the leading Hollywood actress, whose only Swedish heritage is on her maternal grandma’s side, openly claimed to the media about her wish to become Swedish and get Swedish nationality while ignoring her other 75% Irish, Scottish, and German heritage. In the Anglo-Saxon world, Nordic whiteness is perceived as ideal because of its phenotypical distinctiveness and reproductive desirability.

The Nordic race is viewed as the embodiment of racial purity, extraordinary beauty, and even sexual liberty (Lundström 2017; Jupp 1999; Kyllingstad 2014; Pearson-Jones, 2020). Through in-depth sociological studies on Swedish women migrants’ experience in the U.S., Lundström and Twine (2011) argued that Swedishness is an upward mobility capital in marriages with upper middle-class white U.S. men. Furthermore, Nordic whiteness (as a form of separate superior whiteness to Anglo-Saxon whiteness, e.g., see Lundström 2017: 183) also provides the advantage to renegotiate the domestic privileges for Swedish women compared to Anglo-American women in the upper middle-class American settings.

Therefore, the highest hierarchical position of Nordic whiteness is saliently pronounced by multiple social studies within the Anglo-Saxon world. UCLA sociologist Emory Bogardus in the 1920s and 1960s, constructed question surveys designed to examine attitudes related to the receptivity of extraordinary sorts of social relationships along ethno-racial lines. From the most distant, impersonal stage was the question, ‘Would you debar [this group] from the country,’ to the most intimate question, ‘Would you marry into the group,’ determined that Scandinavians are ranked the most preferred ethnicity at the top, accompanied by the Anglos (Kivisto 2020). Andreassen (2017) also traced the racial reasoning of single British women and lesbians’ consumption of Danish sperms. Most buyers openly admitted that ‘Danish genes are more superior’ since ‘babies would be blond with blue eyes’ (126-127). The popularity of having a ‘Viking baby’ via imagined genetic connection was descriptively announced by one of the British lifestyle magazines on the ‘pure’ and ‘authentic’ whiteness (Andreassen, 2017):

With their blonde good looks and strapping build, Danish men, such as Game of Thrones star Nikolai Coster-Waldau, have long been considered among the most handsome in Europe. But women don’t just want to date them: They want to have ‘Viking babies’ too. (Styles 2014)

This attitude is, however, significantly different from the Danish sperm donors’ side, ‘who just want to help women there’ and ‘being an international father’ (Andreassen 2017: 131). The British sperm buyers also appear to stress the genetic features of the fathers who will never be seen yet ignore themselves as the maternal genetic contributors (Andreassen 2017). Anglo-Saxons’ racial consciousness and insecurity are, therefore, noteworthy. While contriving the concept of whiteness, the White Anglo-Saxon Protestant WASP superiority is only relative, not absolute. WASP whiteness occupies the position of mainstreamness as a result of cultural and geopolitical hegemony, but not in the sense of imagined genetic purity and the ideal phenotypical inheritance understood by the Anglo-Saxon groups themselves.

Starting in the Anglo-Victorian period and fueled by racial taxonomy, the British were the first to adopt the Viking lineage to strengthen their national identity (Boland 2020). Such an approach to identifying with the Scandinavian heritage was also used to narrow the British definition of the hierarchy of whiteness (Boland 2020). In the United States, from 1920, the tradition of Nordicism has endured till recent times. American zoologist Madison Grant of the early 20^th century perceived Anglo-Saxon groups as the chief component of the Nordic and Germanic race, noting that their lifestyle aligned with the spirit of democracy, liberty, and individualism. On that basis, the American immigration act prevented immigrants of Eastern, Southern, and European origins and Asians from entering the country (Alexander 1962). One of the prolific American Presbyterian ministers and creator of the late nineteenth century, after his journey to Scandinavia, wrote:

 Gothenburg is one of the starting points of Wilson’s line of steamers for England, and thence for America; one of the associations tells me that they ship annually forty thousand Scandinavian emigrants to our country. I would gladly exchange ten Catholic Corkonians for one of these sturdy industrious Protestants (quoted in Kassis 2017: 55)

Even until the 1960s, Australia and New Zealand provided assisted passages for Nordic immigrants (Jupp 1999). In the case of New Zealand, the Scandinavian immigrants were more favorably treated than the British (Jupp 1999). A 1971 official publication of the South Australian Good Neighbor Council states that Scandinavians are superior to British migrants (Jupp 1999: 38).

Within the Anglo-Saxon world, Nordic Whiteness is par excellence whiteness. The Anglo-Saxons, therefore, utilize the Nordic superiority narrative to highlight their ruling rights and hegemonic justifications. Hence, constructing the Anglo-Saxon ethnic affiliations with the Nordic narrative highlights the imagined self-bestowed superiority. Within the areological studies, however, contrary to the mainstream belief, in line with the earlier Retzius crania categorization of different European groups (Kyllingstad 2014), particularly in early burial sites, Saxon and Anglian skulls have been discovered exhibiting characteristics which are evidently not of the Teutonic type. The typical Teutonic skull is dolichocephalic, while the skull of the British of the Bronze Age is brachycephalic in nature (Shore and Shore 1906). Modern technology has also confirmed that the cranial morphology of the Anglo-Saxon compared to the Scandinavian or Germanic populations from the early Middle Ages significantly varied (Plomp, Dobney, and Collard 2021). The confirmations of Scandinavian settlements in Britain are also elusive compared to the Iron Age, Roman, and even early Anglo-Saxon settlements, reflected by architectural and artefactual differences (Richards 2000).

Social Darwinism and Early Childhood

The early child-rearing styles of Anglo-Saxon nations reflect the cause of aggression and the need for hegemonic dominance. Early childhood experiences influence archetypical identity formation. Maternal leave, which provides emotional safety and parental bonding, seemed lacking within the Anglo-Saxon world. Compared to the Scandinavian offer of at least 34 weeks and 23 weeks by Eastern European countries, the U.K. offers only six weeks, and the United States has no statutory requirements on maternal leave (Bronfenbrenner 1992). In a more recent study, the UNICEF ranking report on family policies across OECD countries,  Rees, Gromada, and Chzhen (2019) analyzed the following indicators: 1) duration of paid leave accessible to mothers; 2) duration of paid leave kept for fathers; 3) share of children below the age of three in childcare, and 4) share of children between the age of three and obligatory school age attending preschool or childcare. They found that family policies in Anglo-Saxon countries (United States, U.K., Australia, New Zealand, [excluding Canada due to the partial Francophone culture]) are developed far behind all the Scandinavia countries (Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and Iceland), Germanic countries (the Netherlands, Austria, Germany) and Slavic countries (Slovenia, Croatia, Poland, Latvia).

The culture of emphasizing individualism fosters families with young children in English-speaking countries who live under greater stress than their developed counterparts (Bronfenbrenner 1992). Such focus on individualism also influences the Anglo-Saxon cultural beliefs of parenting styles. Zumbahlen, Koch, and Pyevich (1998) found that middle-class Anglo-Saxon mothers’ focus on infants’ locomotor skills and achieving success in playing are more frequently associated with early infant negative emotionality, often starting as early as six months. After reviewing the mainstream American parenting magazines spread over a decade, Hoffman (2009) found that the role of parents as emotional neutral therapists for guarding children’s emotionality became a prevalent trend among American (also British) parents, which ironically makes the parenthood less intimate and hypocritically fits the post-colonial bourgeoise culture. The nurturing aspect of early childcare is merely a slogan in Anglophone settings. The Anglo systemic disengagement of early childcare and the suggestions of parental emotional detachment from child emotional development also indicate the social Darwinist approach (the survival of the fittest) in identity formations. The danger of social Darwinism under the WASP notion was also promulgated into the fields of eugenics and I.Q. studies in both the U.S. and the U.K. for further promoting the white masculinity identity of competition and laissez faire economy (Albee 1996).

Hegemonic Grasping as a Trilogy

Material conquests, cultural domination, and racial supremacy are three key socio-ethnic features of the Anglo-Saxon world hegemony. Unlike the military and geopolitical hegemony, which is usually based on the notion of hard power (Nye 2004), material resources, cultural dominance, and constructed racial supremacy, though pathological intentions, provide the benefit longue durée of sustaining the WASP world hegemony. These assets are often deployed to create a foundational base for further exploitation of non-Anglo-Saxon countries and subduing the cultural and geopolitical ambition of other non-Anglo-Saxon Western countries.

To sustain the Lebensraum of the Anglo-Saxons, the core versus periphery structure (Wallerstein 2004) was established by early British industrialists and later assured by American capitalists as the world system that they foresaw as the ultimate blueprint for their hegemonic ambition. Therefore, to accomplish the commercial standardization of the world, they followed with a cultural deconstruction, a post-modern approach to decontextualize the local indigenous cultural symbols in developing countries and Anglo-Saxonize the continental traditional cultural fabrics. McDonalization (Ritzer 2009) and Kardisianization became the subliminal control tools for changing the aesthetics, dietary habits, and psychological aspirations in both Western and non-Western societies. Other forms of global media domination portray Anglo-Saxon icons and celebrities as the mainstream to further marginalize non-Anglo-Saxon narratives. The fame of non-Anglo-Saxon figures must align with the Anglo-Saxon storylines to gain international recognition.

Lastly, Anglo-Saxons’ self-acknowledgment of substandard ethnic position to the Nordic race also motivates the Anglo-Saxons to strive for racial expansion, often through eugenic traditions. Though under the globalization context, such an agenda is outdated in modern times, but the idealization of Nordicism still prevails among Anglo-Saxon elites, as the examples of Donald Trump and Uma Thurman have shown. Under the intensive post-war Anglo-Saxonization, e.g., Swedish women are still most likely to marry British and American men in binational marriages (Haandrikman 2014). Anglo-Saxon masculinity triumphs over Nordic sexual desirability and whiteness scarcity also symbolizes ethnic conquer. Culturally, the neo-liberal aesthetics also employ Scandinavian minimalism as a post-colonial privilege: the white affordability to let things go. Therefore, minimalism symbolizes upper-class whiteness that is ‘pure’ and ‘original,’ the same as Nordic whiteness.

Conclusion

This article has traced the essential identity issues of Anglo-Saxon nations and their cultural, economic, and racial hegemonic pathways. Contrary to the mainstream sociological understandings of hegemonic behaviors, this article adopts an interdisciplinary approach in analyzing the mass psychological nuances of the major Anglo-Saxon countries through the lens of neo-Marxist theories, social Darwinism, and identity theories. However, this article does not aim to denounce entire groups of people, but rather to provide a non-traditional method of looking at a rather classic political discourse, the hegemonic behavior.

Finally, and yet importantly, grasping power is not just human nature but also the nature of nations and states. In modern political science, the survival of states is always regarded as the first principle within political realism, often theorized within the highly masculine Anglo-Saxon cultural context and relatively recent historical development. Particularly for relatively young nations such as the Anglophone ones, the lack of richness in historiographic experience may further delineate their inclination toward hegemonic grasping and power. History may not be able to showcase every lesson that nations need to learn, but it often culminates in wisdom for nations and groups. Cultural legacies are ethnicities’ immaterial assets that are hard to imitate.

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Linjie Chou Zanadu is a Research Fellow at the European Center for Peace and Development, University of Peace – Established by the United Nations.

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